1.  When Chou En-lai's door opened they saw a slender man of more than average height with gleaming eyes and a face so striking that it bordered on the beautiful. Yet it was a manly face, serious and intelligent, and Chu judged him to be in his middle twenties.
    Chou was a quiet and thoughtful man, even a little shy as he welcomed his visitors, urged them to be seated and to tell how he could help them.
    Ignoring the chair offered him, Chu Teh stood squarely before this youth more than ten years his junior and in a level voice told him who he was, what he had done in the past, how he had fled from Yunnan, talked with Sun Yatsen, been repulsed by Chen Tu-hsiu in Shanghai, and had come to Europe to find a new way of life for himself and a new revolutionary road for China. He wanted to join the Chinese Communist Party group in Berlin, he would study and work hard, he would do anything he was asked to do but return to his old life, which had turned to ashes beneath his feet.
    As he talked Chou En-lai stood facing him, his head a little to one side as was his habit, listening intently until the story was told, and then questioning him. When both visitors had told their stories, Chou smiled a little, said he would help them find rooms, and arrange for them to join the Berlin Communist group as candidates until their application had been sent to China and an answer received. When the reply came a few months later they were enrolled as full members, but Chu's membership was kept a secret from outsiders.
    General Chu explained this procedure as necessary because, as a general in the Yunnan Army, he had been one of the earliest Kuomintang members and he might be sent back to Yunnan by the Communist Party at some future date. Though not publicly known as a Communist, General Chu said that he broke all connections with his past, and with the old society in every way, "so that a heavy burden seemed to fall from my shoulders." There were hundreds of Chinese students in Germany at the time, most of them rich men's sons with whom he might have associated in the past. Such men he now avoided and he spent his time studying hungrily, avidly, with young men many of whom were almost young enough to be his sons.

2.  While America rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges nor fail to seize the opportunities of this new world. Together with our friends and allies, we will work together to shape change, lest it engulf us. When our vital interests are challenged, or the will and conscience of the international community is defied, we will act; with peaceful diplomacy whenever possible, with force when necessary. The brave Americans serving our nation today in the Persian Gulf, in Somalia, and wherever else they stand, are testament to ore resolve, but our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands. Across the world, we see them embraced and we rejoice. Our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent, who arc building democracy and freedom. Their cause is America's cause. The American people have summoned the change we celebrate today. You have raised your voices in an unmistakable chorus, you have cast your votes in historic numbers, you have changed the face of congress, the presidency, and the political process itself:

3.  Most people hold in their hearts a special dread of a hospitalized, medicalized death. Yet about half of all Americans die in hospitals, in a tangle of tubes, surrounded by anxiety-producing technology. They suffer alone in the glare of a comfortless ward, their last hours' guided by the training and instincts of highly specialized strangers. No one seems to know when to finally give in to death's certainty, and relentless procedures rob people of a death with comfort and dignity. Many of those who dread that kind of death think they're doing something about it by signing living Wills or otherwise making their wishes very explicit. But a larger-scale study of terminal patients by the Journal of the American Medical Association showed last week just how futile those efforts are. While patients say they want peace, comfort, the sanctity of home and freedom from pain in their last hours, shockingly few of them actually had their wishes honored.

4.  A long-held view of the history of the English colonies that became the United States has been that England's policy toward these colonies before 1763 was dictated by commercial interests and that a change to a more imperial policy, dominated by expansionist militarist objectives, generated the tensions that ultimately led to the American Revolution. In a recent study, Stephen Saunders Webb has presented a formidable challenge to this view. According to Webb, England already had a military imperial policy for more than a century before the American Revolution. He sees Charles Ⅱ, the English monarch between 1660 and 1685, as the proper successor of the Tudor monarchs of the sixteenth century and of Oliver Cromwell, all of whom were bent on extending centralized executive power over England's possessions through the use of what Webb calls "garrison government". Garrison government allowed the colonists a legislative assembly, but real authority, in Webb's view, belonged to the colonial governor, who was appointed by the king and supported by the "garrison", that is, by the local contingent of English troops under the colonial governor's command.

5. 
    In the early years of his administration, President Reagan praised Asia's Four Tiger-South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore—for their hardworking, competitive spirit and their successful record of free-enterprise economic development. Now that goodwill has turned into frustration. From 6.1 billion in 1981, the U.S. deficit with Asia's four newly industrialized countries last year reached 37 billion, or 22% of the total U.S. trade deficit. The tigers have derived most of their growing prosperity from their access to the U.S. economy. But as Washington puts more and more pressure on them to open their markets and revalue their currencies, the four are resisting.
    On Jan.29, the U.S. signaled that it is adopting a tougher policy toward the Tigers. President Reagan's decision to take special duty-free privileges away from the four next year means that they have emerged as a U.S. political issue on a par with Japan. Indeed, if the Tigers' share of the U.S. trade gap keeps growing at its current pace. American imports from them will overtake those from Japan sometime next time.